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Capital Punishment is Systemically Biased against Minorities
In 1990, the U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO) reviewed and agreed with the many studies that, throughout the past quarter century, have found that race is a key factor in whether a death penalty is sought and whether it is imposed. Indeed, Amnesty International USA found that murderers of whites are about six times more likely to be executed than those murderers of blacks, although about equal numbers of blacks and whites are homicide victims (emphasis added). Nationally, the majority of the 4,220 prisoners executed in the U.S. between 1930 and 1996 were black.
RACE OF THE VICTIM IN OHIO
In an expansion of GAO's research for the American Bar Association in 1997,
Professors Baldus and Woodworth found that studies of Ohio's statistics suggest the same: the chances of a
defendant being charged with a capital crime and of being sentenced to death
row were significantly increased if the murder victim was white. David Bodiker,
OPD, concurs: "The race of the victim [i.e., if the victim is white] has a
great deal to do with who gets the death penalty."
Seventy-two percent of the victims whose murderers are on Ohio's death row were white and 27% were black
victims (as of Nov. 19, 2003). This is consistent with the proportions
examined in 1999 by the Ohio Commission on Racial Fairness, which said of
race-of-victim disparities, "The numbers speak for themselves. A
perpetrator is geometrically more likely to end up on death row if the homicide
victim is white rather than black."
RACE OF THE DEFENDANT IN OHIO
In a state with a population that is 85% white and 11.5% black (U.S. Census,
2000), about half of the inmates on death row are black. More specifically,
while black males over the age of 18 comprise less than 5% of Ohio's population
aged 18 or over (U.S. Census, 2000), they make up 49% of the inmates on death
row.
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit said in 2001 that the racial imbalance
in Ohio's death penalty is 'glaringly extreme' and
'extremely troubling.' It was, however, not able to order the state to address
the imbalance because of the U.S. Supreme Court's 1987 ruling in the McCleskey
case. where In that case the court found "that 'apparent disparities in
sentencing are an inevitable part of our criminal justice system,' and that for
a defendant to be successful in an appeal, he or she would have to provide
'exceptionally clear proof' that the decision-makers in his or her particular
case had acted with discriminatory intent."
The Report of the Ohio Commission on Racial Fairness, published by the Ohio
Supreme Court and the Ohio State Bar Association in 1999, argued, "The
issue is the integrity of the criminal justice system, whether black males are
looked upon as expendable and treated differently than white males resulting in
disparate sentencing…."
RACE OF PROSECUTORS IN OHIO
Prosecutors have discretion in determining which cases are capital cases, and
as shown above, cases in Ohio that involve white victims are more likely to
result in the death penalty than other cases. One reason proffered for this is
that the vast majority of prosecutors-those in whose hands the decision
resides-are white. Of the 88 county prosecutors in Ohio in 1998, 99% (87 of 88) were white and one was
black.
RACE OF JURORS IN OHIO
The Ohio Commission on Racial Fairness noted that "the American legal
system is based upon peer decision making….Exclusion and other kinds of bias
deprive citizens of the benefits of a diversity of perspectives, especially if
the perspective absent in a jury pool is that of a party's community, class,
age, race, ethnicity, gender or religion….Many people expressed concern that in
the various public hearing testimonies that minority defendants, particularly
black defendants, are being tried before all-white juries."
In fact, the Commission reported that there was evidence that Ohio juries, like
those in states across the U.S., were likely to have a pattern of minority
under-representation, "especially…poor people of color."(47) For
example, the prosecutor in a Hamilton County death penalty case excluded nine of eleven
qualified black members from the jury pool with no reason given in the trial of
an African American executed in 2002 for the murder of a white woman. During
the appeals process, the issue of discrimination was defaulted as the basis for
an appeal because the inmate's original appeal lawyers had failed to raise the
issue.
UNEQUAL QUALITY OF REPRESENTATION IS AN ISSUE
I have yet to see a death case among the dozens coming to the Supreme Court on
eve-of-execution stay applications in which the defendant was well represented
at trial. …[P]eople who are well represented at trial do not get the death
penalty.
- Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, April, 2001
In Ohio, David Bodiker, Director of the office of the Ohio State Public
Defender's Office, reported that "[The cost of a death penalty defense] is
so expensive that unless you're in the top one percent of wage earners, you're
probably content to have a defense attorney appointed." Appointed defense
attorneys in capital cases must be death-penalty certified by the Ohio Supreme
Court prior to assignments, i.e., they must receive special training, although private-pay
defense attorneys are not required to do so. While the OPD does not track the
statistics, it estimates that four or fewer defendants of the 80 to 90 capital
cases brought each year pay for private attorneys. OPD reports, however, that
private-pay attorneys are no more successful than appointed public-pay
attorneys in preventing their defendants from being sentenced to death.
But Bodiker also argues that while there are very good court-appointed lawyers
who work very hard for little pay, they are not universal. "Inadequate
representation is a problem. Money really isn't the cause of it. There are
cases where really bad lawyers make stupid mistakes." First, lawyers may
be death penalty-qualified, but that does not necessarily mean they will be
able to devote their full attention to a capital case."
Bodiker notes, "When lawyers from private practice are appointed to do
death penalty work, it's difficult because they have to do a very demanding and
time-consuming function while they are handling the remainder of their
practice. No matter how hard they work and how capable they are, they-and
OPD-are all subject to missteps and mistakes. There are obviously some who do
not work as hard as others, even though they have the qualifications."
In addition, the caps on attorney fees (determined by each county's
commissioners) varied across Ohio counties from $3,000 to $50,000 per trial,
total, for appointed defense counsel in 2001. Thus for capital cases that may
involve a year and a half of pre-trial work and two or more weeks at trial,
court-appointed defense attorneys typically end up being paid a low hourly fee.
The low limits raise due process issues: Is there enough money allotted to
provide for an adequate defense? Will qualified attorneys work for extremely low
pay? Compounding the problem, the maximum amount allotted for expert witness
fees (e.g., a mitigation expert, psychological and IQ testing) varies from
county to county, but many counties do not make available what appointed
defense attorneys regard as the minimum, $10,000. As David Bodiker said,
"[T]here is never enough public money for appointed attorneys to get the
expert witnesses and mitigation experts they need."
Thus, the quality of representation varies from capital case to capital case,
and those who are poorly represented are more likely to end up on death row.
Witness, for example, the cases of Richard Frazier and Shawn Williams-two
recent instances in which the death sentences were overturned, at least in
part, because of inadequate representation.
THE TRIAL LOCATION IS A DETERMINANT
The county in which the crime is committed also seems to influence whether a
defendant is charged and convicted of a capital crime. The higher costs of
death penalty cases are a significant financial burden on local and state
governments. Exemplifying this, a Vinton County, Ohio, judge initially ruled in
2002 that local prosecutors could not seek the death penalty in the case of
Gregory McKnight. Judge J.L. Simmons cited the high cost of the trial and the
probability that the county would not be able to pay for an adequate defense
team.
Mr. Bodiker of the OPD notes: "As managers of the county government,
[county commissioners] are concerned about the costs of time, money, and
resources which encourages them to want to avoid death penalty cases as an
extravagant use of limited resources."
Therefore, Bodiker continued, "Many counties do not have anyone on death
row, not necessarily because there have not been any potential death penalty
cases, but because the death penalty process is time-consuming and
difficult."
Forty-nine of Ohio's 88 counties do not have any inmates on death
row. In contrast, almost one out of every four men (23%) on Death Row comes
from Hamilton County, the third largest county in the state and home
to 7.4% of the total state population . Cuyahoga is second, being home to 17%
of the Death Row inmates. In terms of potential new death row inmates, as of
October, 2003, Mr. Bodiker of the OPD reports that Franklin County had 32 of the 101 pending death penalty cases.